On April 6, 1994, ex-President of Rwanda Maj. Gen. Juvenal Habyarimana was flying back from Arusha, Tanzania where he had gone for Peace Talks with Rwanda Patriotic Front.
However, as he approached Gregoire Kayibanda International Airport later renamed Kigali International Airport, his Jet was suddenly blown up by a rocket propelled grenade. Habyarimana and Burundian president Cyprien Ntaryamira and other occupants in the Jet died instantly.
One may not talk about Rwanda’s turbulent past without mentioning the Dassault Falcon 50 – a French manufactured super-midsize, long-range business jet.
Habyarimana had acquired this Dassault Falcon 50 to facilitate him in flying to various destinations across the globe for an assortment of engagements.
The Falcon 50 became the world’s first civil aircraft featuring supercritical wings, and secured certification on February 27, 1979. The wing choice brought about a formidable technological breakthrough.
According to its specifications, this Jet could fly to a nonstop range of up to : 6,480 km. It has a Wingspan: 19 m, Top speed: 915 km/h Cruise speed: 888 km/h, Weight: 9,163 kg, and Engine type: Garrett TFE731.
The Falcon 50 was later updated as the Falcon 50EX, the first of which flew in 1996, and the last of which was delivered in 2008.
The Falcon 50EX features improved engines and other enhancements to give further range improvements to an already long-range jet.
The Falcon 50EX designation applies to serial numbers 253–352, which marks the end of the production line for the Falcon 50/50EX. The last Falcon 50EX was built in late 2007 and delivered in early 2008.
By 2018, Falcon 50s from the mid-late 1980s were priced at $0.879 to $1.6 million while 1998-2003 Falcon 50EXs can be had for $2.95 to $3.95 million.
Explaining the Physics Of Falcon 50 Wings
The falcon 50 is fitted with what experts term as supercritical wings (SCW). They are flatter on the top, rounded on the bottom, and the upper trailing edge is accented with a downward curve to restore lift lost by flattening the upper surface.
In comparison, conventional wings are rounded on top and flat on the bottom.
At speeds in the transonic range — just below and just above the speed of sound. The SCW delays the formation of the supersonic shock wave on the upper wing surface and reduces its strength, allowing the aircraft to fly faster with less effort.
The US government agency NASA responsible for civilian space program conducted a test program validating the SCW concept at the Dryden Flight Research Center from March 1971 to May 1973 and showed that the SCW installed on an F-8 Crusader test aircraft increased transonic efficiency by as much as 15%.
When an aircraft with a conventional wing nears a speed of sound (Mach 1), air flowing across the top of the wing moves faster and becomes supersonic. This creates a shock wave on the wing’s upper surface even though the aircraft, as a whole, has not exceeded Mach 1. The aircraft, at this point, is flying at what is called the critical speed.
The shockwave causes the smooth flow of air hugging the wing’s upper surface (the boundary layer) to separate from the wing and create turbulence.
Separated boundary layers are like wakes behind a boat — the air is unsteady and churning, and drag increases. This increases fuel consumption and it can also lead to a decrease in speed and cause vibrations.
In rare cases, aircraft have also become uncontrollable due to boundary layer separation. Supercritical wings have a flat-on-top “upside down” look.
As air moves across the top of a SCW it does not speed up nearly as much as over a curved upper surface.
This delays the onset of the shock wave and also reduces aerodynamic drag associated with boundary layer separation.
Lift that is lost with less curvature on the upper surface of the wing is regained by adding more curvature to the upper trailing edge.
Now the aircraft can cruise at a higher subsonic speed and easily fly up into the supercritical range. And with less drag, the aircraft is using less fuel than it would otherwise consume.
Higher subsonic cruise speeds and less drag translates into airliners and business jets getting to their destinations faster on less fuel, and they can fly farther — factors that help keep the cost of passenger tickets and air freight down.
U$43M Public Money Disappeared As False Loan To Company Linked To Kabila
Dominating the headlines in Congolese Press is an inquiry into the disappearance of U$43 million as a fake loan signed to Entreprise Générale d’Alimentation et de Logistique (Egal SARL) a company linked to former President Joseph Kabange Kabila.
The Belgian newspaper LE SOIR published On October 29, 2016, an exclusive dossier of the revelations known as “Lumumba Papers”.
The Lumumba Papers, reveal the suspicious activities of the bank BGFI RDC, a subsidiary of the Gabonese and French International Bank (BGFI) in the Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as its involvement in corruption and embezzlement of public funds.
Largely based on internal documents disclosed by the former bank employee Jean-Jacques Lumumba, the case also reveals, in one of its components, the alleged affair of the Congolese company Egal SARL, presented at the time as close to former president Joseph Kabika.
According to these surveys, the company specializing in the agrifood trade benefited, in 2013, from four payments for a total of U$ 43 million into an account housed at the BGFI.
“These payments came from the Central Bank of Congo, a public institution headed by Deogratias Mutombo Nyembo. A direct loan to a business is normally prohibited. Especially since, according to the Belgian daily, the sum was never reimbursed, “explains the Belgian newspaper Le Soir.
In July 2020, Félix Tshisekedi, who succeeded Joseph Kabila as President, embarked on an anti-corruption race.
President Tshisekedi appointed Jules Alingete as the head of the General Inspectorate of Finances, a service placed under the direct authority of the Congolese President with a mission of controlling the financial authorities, state enterprises, public administrations, State accountants, Provincial Governments and all State expenditure including the Central Bank of Congo.
Alingete is familiar with the workings of public finance in the DRC. He has been a Financial Inspector since January 1989, also being a chartered accountant, tax specialist and business climate expert. As soon as he took office, he embarked on a real quest to flush out cases of embezzlement. This is how he then came across the contours of Lumumba Papers.
The Inspector General and his team first took a shot at media reports widely alleging that EGAL SARL would then have benefited from U$43 million coming directly from the Central Bank to finance its activities.
In a letter of February 8, 2021, Alingete wrote to the CEO of EGAL to ask for an explanation of this alleged loan.
“It emerges from the discussions that we had with the BGFI Bank, that you benefited from the latter, in December 2013, from a payment of U$42,999,699.05, payment charged to the account opened for the benefit of the Central Bank of Congo, with the same bank,” said the Chief Inspector in his letter. By law, such a “loan” which would come directly from the central bank, is illegal.
In this file, there are explanations of the BGFI bank in 2016. In a press release, the Congolese bank affirms that the company Egal SARL “has regularly benefited, from the Bank, of an investment loan to long term guaranteed by the revenues generated by the operation of its activity.
BGFI Bank also affirms that the accusations according to which the Central Bank of Congo would have financed this activity, by payments through BGFI Bank RDC, are therefore false and without foundation.
“On the other hand, the Central Bank of Congo regularly holds a bank account in the books of the Bank which carries out its international banking operations as do several other banks of the place”, said this press release.
Alingete and his IGF investigators would end up coming to the same conclusions, to some extent. The IGF discovers that over the period from July 18, 2013 to November 6, 2013, a total amount of U$ 42,999,699.05, was transferred from Rawbank to BGFI Bank, by the Central Bank of Congo, to be accommodated in the account 70010285011-72 entitled “Banque Centrale du Congo Equipements” opened in the books of the BGFI Bank.
The IGF adds, this money, was subsequently transferred from the account “Central Bank of Congo Equipments” to the credit of the escrow account n ° 45191026110-13 USD opened in the name of the company EGAL SARL, transfer executed in four installments, by agents Kusombi Hervé and Diop Abdel Kader.
If the account was opened in the name of EGAL, the IGF confirms that the latter has never had access to it. For the IGF, the “escrow account” into which the U$42,999,699.05 was paid could only be activated by the BGFI Bank itself and, in no way, the company EGAL SA.
“This is why the latter was exonerated in the charge of financing on the basis of public funds which had been brought against her.”
“At the current stage of things, it emerges that the Congolese State has lost the amount U$ 42,999,699.05 withdrawn from the + Central Bank of Congo Equipments account + and the responsibility lies with the BGFI-BANK DRC”, notes Alingete in this letter addressed this time to the Director-General Manager of this bank.
In a letter dated March 16, 2021, the IGF Inspector General finally reconsidered his initial accusations and confirmed the exoneration of Egal SARL.
“Following the various working sessions that we had, in the presence of representatives of the BGFI Bank, on the allocation in favour of your company, in an amount of forty-three million US dollars, amount coming from a escrow account opened by the Central Bank of Congo in the books of the BGFI Bank, I have the honour to communicate to you the position, at this stage, of the General Inspectorate of Finances which consists in that no proof could be produced by the BGFI Bank, attesting that this sum was never made available to you ”, says Alingete in this letter addressed to the Director General of the IGF.
“At this stage, it follows on the contrary from the various elements of this file that you had benefited from this bank, from a line of credit in guarantee of which a comfort account had been opened, account fed by withdrawals made on your figure of ‘business and that this credit line was cleared following a compromise between parties, compromise that involved the liquidation of this comfort account, ” the letter adds, the authenticity of which has been confirmed on the side of the IGF and the company EGAL .
But Jules Alingete does not come out but empty-handed in this case, which ultimately hides another. Indeed, if EGAL SARL is out of the question for not having received funding from the Central Bank, U$43 million from the Public Treasury are still missing. In another correspondence, this time dated April 5, 2021, the Inspectorate now indexes BGFI Bank.
At the end of its working sessions with the heads of these companies, the IGF says that BGFI Bank “could not conclusively establish the destination” of U$ 42,999,699.05. Exit from the “Central Bank of Congo Equipment” account, this large sum escaped the Congolese public treasury after 4 transfers to an “escrow account” bearing several numbers “to confuse the issue”.
According to investigators around the case at the IGF, the leads currently lead to the principals, new to the Government and the central bank at the time.
U$43 million left the accounts of the Central Bank from the Rawbank to land in an escrow account at the BGFI BANK, to then disappear. Egal SARL, whose funds were supposed to be destined, never touched them.
Alingete, who does not give up on the matter, has summoned the Managing Director of BGFI Bank more than 8 times to hear from him on several subjects.
According to sources quoted by congolese press, the central bank authorities, in particular Governor Déogratias Mutombo, and the former Minister Delegate to the Prime Minister and in charge of Finance Patrice Kitebi, are the basis of disbursement orders, both at the level of the Rawbank and ‘where the money and gone, that at the level of the BGFI Bank from where the money would have disappeared.
“There were people who gave orders to get the money out of the Rawbank Central Bank accounts and put it in an obscure escrow account, using the company Egal as a pretext. It is now proven that this money was never loaned to the company and is gone. They have to answer for this huge amount of money, “according to a source familiar with the matter.
“At the time, it was Patrice Kitebi who was in charge of finances. He and the Governor of the BCC, Deogratias Mutombo, must know where this money disappeared to, “added a source, who requested anonymity.
Patrice Kitebi, is now Managing Director of the Industry Promotion Fund; Déogratias Mutombo, Governor of the Central Bank.
According to reliable information, the IGF has completed its investigations and has sent the file to Adler Kisula, of the National Financial Intelligence Unit (CENAREF).
How Prime Minister Jean Kambanda Poisoned Academicians
On April 6, 1994, the plane carrying Rwanda’s President Juvenal Habyarimana and his Burundian counterpart was preparing to land when it suddenly exploded killing all crew and passengers on board.
Habyarimana was returning from Arusha, Tanzania where he had gone to hold mediated negotiations with the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) rebels that had been fighting his government since 1990.
Government-aligned Hutu power extremists were opposed to these negotiations and to their surprise, Habyarimana had agreed to form a transition government.
After the plane crash, there was panic in the country. Colonel Théoneste Bagosora who served as Habyarimana’s directeur du cabinet (chief of staff) in the Ministry of Defence, formed a Crisis Committee and was in charge of the country.
On April 7, the Prime Minister in Habyarimana’s government Agathe Uwilingiyimana was assassinated.
The Crisis Committee on April 9, installed Théodore Sindikubwabo as interim President. On the same day, Army agents grabbed Jean Kambanda from his home and whisked him to Ecole Supeirieot Militaire and informed him that he had been chosen as new Prime Minister.
At this point, the Arusha agreement signed on August 3, 1993 had become null and void. The Crisis Committee formed a caretaker government as the RPA rebels intensified their military campaign.
Faustin Twagiramungu of Mouvement Democratique Republique-MDR party was destined to become the Prime minister under the Arusha agreement had the transition government been implemented.
However, the Crisis Committee appointed Kambanda born 1955, to the position of Prime Minister. He holds a Bachelors degree in (banking) commercial Engineering.
By April 1994, he was vice president of the Butare section of opposition MDR party. He had for long worked at Union des Banques Populaires du Rwanda (BPR) bank where he rose to become chairman.
With his new powerful position as Prime Minister, Kambanda traversed the country mobilising youths to create a massive militia.
Genocide against Tutsi was openly discussed in cabinet meetings. For Kambanda, his government wanted to get rid of all Tutsi so that, according to him, all of Rwanda’s problems would be over.
Across the country, they were recruiting youths into a massive anti-Tutsi militia- Interahamwe which proceeded to set up roadblocks across Rwanda and slaughter every Tutsi.
Kambanda and Sindikubwabo remained in control for the entire 100-day genocide period that claimed more than a million lives.
Bringing Academicians on Board
On Saturday 14 May, 1994, Kambanda drove to the National University of Rwanda, in Butare in former Ngoma commune. His assignment was to recruit the academia into what he referred to as a massive army.
“We cannot allow a small group of Inyezi to remove us from our country and they occupy it when we are living outside,” Kambanda told the attentive gathering including university students and their lecturers.
When the RPF rebels attacked the Habyarimana’s regime in 1990, the Hutu extremists called them ‘Inyenzi’ including Tutsi inside the country. Inyenzi, a Rwandan word, refers to Cockroaches in English.
He assured them that he had been travelling across the country doing the same. ” It’s impossible to remove seven million people from the country by a small group of Inyenzi from Uganda.”
Kambanda challenged the academicians that it was their responsibility to protect themselves and the country from enemies. “The soldiers cannot fight this war alone. You the academicians should also mind your own security and security of the nation”.
At the start of the genocide in April, Kambanda was vice president of the Butare section of the opposition Democratic Republican Movement MDR. The region was a stronghold of his party. He expected massive mobilisation.
The government and his party had a already setup a detailed recruitment master plan. “We need to have millions of this new force,” he said.
“Here in Butare, Ngoma commune, we need at least 100 youth in every sector. They will go to commune and the burgomaster will ask commune police to begin training them. You don’t have to wait for instructors from Kigali. The instructors should arrive here when you already know how to use a gun.”
The premier said the new force in this region including Butare and Gikongoro would be commanded by Lt. Col. Aloys Simba who was also President of MRND party in Gikongoro prefecture. He later personally killed several Tutsi at Gikongoro town market and Kaduha trading centre.
According to Kambanda, his government had learnt that FPR Inkotanyi feared civil defense. “We heard that Inkotanyi are interested in capturing this city. Therefore we need to protect this city. Roadblocks need to be established along all roads in this area.”
Don’t fear the gun
After intense pressure from RPA rebels, Kambanda’s government shifted from the capital Kigali to Murambi, Muhanga district.
While there, Kambanda visited residents of Nyakabanda Commune (now Kibangu sector). He told them the enemy was a serious problem and they needed to defend themselves.
Kambanda encouraged the residents to learn how to use the gun, “Guns are not only for soldiers. Every person can own a gun. They shoot, you shoot back.”
Kambanda reminded residents that he was also a civilian but had a gun. He plucked out a pistol from his hip and waved it for all to see and cautioned them to carry their guns to gardens and when the enemy shoots, they can immediately fight back.
But Kambanda desperately wanted the academicians to also learn the gun. While at University of Rwanda, he told researchers and professors and students that a gun didn’t require allot of knowledge above what they had.
He challenged them to carefully think of how Inkotanyi (RPA rebel) agents were recruiting idlers, petty thieves and casual labourers that go and return from Uganda with ranks as Captains and Majors.
“How can you allow such to happen. Professors, researchers and students all need to understand that the enemy weapon is the gun. You all need to learn how to use it. This doesn’t require money.”
The chanting academicians were convinced and were ready for anything. For Kambanda, the argument was “there is no reason why we shouldn’t get our professors, researchers and students and we train them to become soldiers and also be Majors and Colonels”.
After portraying the gun as a simple weapon which can also be used by uneducated people he assured the academicians, “there should be no fear of shooting, or getting close to a gun. The gun does not operate itself. you need to learn how the gun is used.”
Kambanda was determined that his government wished to militarise everyone, “We wish to ensure that every person with energy including the elderly should have some knowledge on how to use a gun.”
The mission was a success as Maurice Ntahobari the national university rector grabbed the microphone from Kambanda and thanked him for the visit and promised him that the university would support the plan. Ntahobari is currently living in Norway.
“Because the late president Habyarimana was the University supreme leader and his Burundi counterpart who studied here, we wish to pledge our support to government agents in all their activities.”
Ntahobari is believed to be hiding in Scandinavian counties.
In the First two weeks of Genocide, Ntahobari’s wife Pauline Nyiramasuhuko a lawyer and Minister of Family and Women’s Affairs in Habyarimana’s government called for militias from the capital, Kigali, to come Butare to eliminate the Tutsi population.
She asked her son Arsene Shalom Ntahobali to organise militias to take part in the kidnap and rape of women and girls in Butare.
While at college Nyiramasuhuko became friends with Agathe Habyarimana, the future wife of President Juvenal Habyarimana. Her connections with Agathe influenced her appointment to a cabinet position. She became a fierce politician.
In 1982 Nyiramasuhuko’s husband, Ntahobari, would later become speaker of parliament (President of the National Development Council).
After the fall of Habyarimana regime, Nyiramasuhuko and her family fled the country. But on July 18, 1997 she was arrested by Kenyan and international authorities and taken to ICTR.
Nyiramasuhuko was the first woman to be charged with genocide in an international court, and specifically, the first woman to be charged with inciting rape as a form of genocide.
Laurence Kanayire a microbiology lab technician since January 1979 remembers so well that the situation at the university was tense. The Tutsi students and staff were targeted.
“In 1990 after inkotanyi attacked, the Tutsi didn’t have peace in the country. There were always secretive meeting at the university.” She was surprised that in those meetings, “kitchen workers, cleaners and night guards could also be invited into the meeting in the office of the Vice rector.”
Kanayire said, “it was difficult for Tutsi to leave Butare prefecture. one required a visa- Laissez-Passer to cross to another prefecture.” She said Tutsi feared to seek travel documents because they would be suspected of trying to escape.
On April 22, Kanayire and hundreds of others fled to Tumba about 15km away from Butare town.
She says a Hutu workmate always smuggled food for pigs and rats from the university and took it to Kanayire. It’s what she fed on until RPF rescued her. Her children also survived.
However, as the militia were contemplating on how to kill them, gun fire from advancing RPA rebels aborted their mission.
Extremists members at the university had been given small axes, Kanayire remembers “a workmate Anthere showed me. It’s what they used to kill Tutsi day and night every day. ”
According to Kanayire, on April 19, several Tutsi were brought into the stadium and were shot dead at night. In the morning there were alot of dead bodies piled in the stadium”.
Its estimated that over 220,000 Tutsi were killed in Butare prefecture alone. Most influential officials of the Hutu government were natives of Butare. They included President Sindikubwabo, Premeir Kambanda, Gen. Augustin Ndindiliyimana (head of the Gendarmie)
Kanayire survived the genocide against Tutsi and is still a lab technician in the faculty of Agriculture at the same university that changed to University of Rwanda.
Dominique Ndahimane a former Interahamwe in Huye district says that on April 12, burgomaster Jean Marie Vianne Habineza summoned residents to Isimbi church compound. He announced that because of the ongoing killings, the Tutsi in his area should take refugee at Isimbi church and be given protection.
However, Ndahimane says this was a secret plan to gather Tutsi in one place and kill them easily. Few days later many Tutsi started assembling at the place. But Ndahimane and his fellow militia began looting property left behind by the Tutsi.
On April 17, Col. Simba summoned for another meeting and told the militia that the following day, President Sindikubwabo would come to Isimbi to officially launch the killings of Tutsi. “He told us that we should come with traditional weapons.”
Ndahimane remembers well that on April 18, president Sindikubwabo arrived with massive escorts and he officially launched the killings by starting with the Tutsi at Isimbi church which went on for three days.
When RPF rebels stopped the genocide and established a new government. Ndahimane was arrested with others and jailed for eight years. He pleaded guilty and sought forgiveness and was set free in 2005.
RPF stops Genocide
Kananyire says on 3rd July 1994, she and others were hiding at Tumba when they heard heavy gunfire, “people started saying it was gunfire from the RPF rebels which pushed away Interahamwe.”
The RPF rebels had arrived to secure Butare prefecture in their protracted struggle to stop the genocide against Tutsi which claimed a million lives in 100 days.
At that time, the interim government had been dismantled and its army defeated. Most senior government officials had fled the country including Kambanda. The RPA rebels were in control of the a larger part of the country including the capital Kigali.
The RPF setup a unity government. Kananyire says today she lives side by side with the people who were killers. “We are in the same cooperative and sharing everything”.
On the 18th of July 1997, the exiled Prime Minister Kambanda was arrested in Kenya and flown to Arusha Tanzania at the International Criminal tribunal for Rwanda ICTR.
Later on May 1, 1998, Kambanda a father of two, pleaded guilty to six charges genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, complicity in genocide and two charges of crimes against humanity.
Kambanda told the tribunal; “Mr. President, in deciding to plead guilty I did so consciously. No one forced me to do it.”
He is the only head of government to plead guilty to genocide, in the first group of such convictions since the convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide came into effect in 1951.
The tribunal sentenced Kambanda to life imprisonment and is serving his sentence at Koulikoro Prison in Mali.
Mali signed a deal with ICTR in 1999 to host Rwandan convicts. The tribunal funded an air-conditioned facility specifically built for them in Prison. The facility has separate showers, a dining room and a well-appointed library.
They receive $2 a day to buy newspapers and are entitled to receive visits. They are served better meals compared to other Mali prisoners.
Gaps Remain In Countries’ Readiness to Deploy COVID-19 Vaccines- World Bank
As countries undertake the largest vaccination campaign in history, the World Bank has worked with governments, WHO, UNICEF, the Global Fund and GAVI on assessing countries’ readiness to safely deploy COVID-19 vaccines in 128 low- and middle-income countries.
The results indicate that income level and other economic indicators correlate weakly with vaccine preparedness.
The report focuses on ten key indicators, including cold chain & logistics, population prioritization, budgeting, training of healthcare personnel, and safety surveillance, among others.
Initial findings show that 85% of countries that participated in the assessments have developed national vaccination plans and 68% have safety measures in place, including systems for reporting adverse reactions.
However, only 30% have developed plans to train the large number of vaccinators who will be needed and only 27% have created social mobilization and public engagement strategies to encourage people to get vaccinated.
Given worrying vaccine hesitancy, strategies to generate confidence, acceptance and demand for vaccines are urgently needed.
Countries affected by conflict and fragility (37 out of 128) scored lower than other countries on almost all indicators.
“Many developing countries are in the midst of preparing aggressive COVID19 vaccine delivery plans,” said Mamta Murthi, Vice President for Human Development at the World Bank.
“While most countries are well enough prepared to begin inoculating their populations, there are still important gaps that must urgently be addressed for wide, large scale vaccination rollouts to succeed.”
The World Bank is providing US$12 billion for developing countries to purchase and distribute COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments and strengthen health and vaccination systems to ensure that vaccines get to those who need them.
Murthi added that, “Our vaccination programs will reach over 40 countries in the near-term, amounting to $3 billion out of the $12 billion available.”
The readiness assessments will inform our projects and help governments and healthcare professionals better understand and manage the complex task of vaccinating large adult populations in a very short timeframe.
The assessments also show that:
* Although countries have gaps in readiness, most have prepared well enough across most essential areas to begin their immunization drives as soon as they receive vaccines.
* Existence of well-functioning child immunization national delivery systems is not a strong predictor of country readiness to deliver vaccines for adults, such as COVID-19 vaccines.
* A weak correlation between GDP and readiness indicates that countries with more developed economies are not necessarily better prepared for massive vaccination programs.
* The COVID-19 vaccine rollout is an opportunity to create a sustainable, environmentally friendly cold chain that could be of use well beyond the current crisis.
Fair, broad, and fast access to effective and safe COVID-19 vaccines, especially in poor countries, is vital to save lives and strengthen global economic recovery. Only once the pandemic is contained in all countries will each country be safe from a resurgence and able to focus all efforts on overcoming the deepest global recession in eight decades.
Full Report : https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/health/publication/assessing-country-readiness-for-covid19-vaccines-first-insights-from-the-assessment-rollout?cid=hnp_tt_health_en_ext
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