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Uganda Deports 17 Rwandans, What We Know About Them

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On 05 May 21 at around 1220hrs, Ugandan Migration Authorities deported 17 Rwandans via Kagitumba border. Deportees include 14 males and three females arrested by Uganda’s Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI).

They tell stories of inhumane treatment and extreme torture in CMI’s dungeons. Once again, as it has been for the past three years, Uganda government had no other excuse of torturing innocent Rwandans, but accuse them of espionage.

Taarifa has obtained their profiles. Anyone with low IQ, can easily conclude they are no where close to being spies at all, but mere innocent civilians minding their business.

Jenifer Byukusenge, 24 years, a student at Mount Kenya University, is a daughter to Rtd Col. Eddy Mupenzi and Rose Marry Mbabazi , residents of Kicukiro District, Gatenga Sector, Gatenga Cell. She travelled to Uganda on April 3, 2021 with Rwandair to Kampala to visit her mother married to one Mussa in Narukorongo, Kampala. On April 5, 21, she was kidnapped from Buziga, a suburb in Kampala, by CMI operatives and detained at CMI Headquarter’s accused of espionage.

Esperance Mukeshimana, 21 years daughter to Marcel Habayo and Jannet Muhawenimana residing in Nyamasheke District, Karambi Sector, Kabuga Cell in Rugano Village. She is married to Charles Rugina who lives in USA. On November 1, 2020, she travelled to Uganda via Kenya Airways to for her wedding and continue her studies. On Mar 20, 2021, she was kidnapped from Masaka district by CMI agents and detained at Masaka Military Barracks and later transferred to Mbuya HQs. On Mar 25, 2021, she was charged with a trumped up allegation of illegal stay in Uganda after finding no case against her.

Gordance Nyiraneza 31 years, daughter to Silas Kamali and Theresia Mujawamungu, residents of Kamonyi District, Kayenzi Sector, Kamataba Cell in Nyarubaya Village. She is married to Jean d’Amour Uwipfura around Feb 2019 to together with her husband moved to Uganda via Gatuna border and have been staying at Nakurabye working for Jaguar Bus company. On Feb 4, 2021. She was picked by CMI agents at Kansanga a suburb in Kampala and transferred to CMI HQs in Mbuya.

Jean d’mour Uwipfura 32 years, a son to Raphael Mugabowindekwe and MPascasia Mukabisamaza, residents of Gatsibo District, Murambi Sector, Murambi Cell in Urugarama Village. He is married to Nyiraneza Gaudance. They also moved to Uganda in February 2019 via Gatuna border as employees of Jaguar Bus company. On Jan 14, 2021 he was kidnapped from Nakurabye and detained at Nakurabye Police station for two days and transferred to Nsange barracks for weeks and later forwarded to CMI HQs in Mbuya where he expereinced abuse and torture.

Pastor Mpamo Assuman is a 50 year son to late Twahirwa Issa and late Nyiragukura Ziada, a resident of Rwengo District in Uganda. He is married to Katusabe Eveline with six children. In October 1998, migrated to Uganda until March 2021, when he was arrested at Najyanankumbi of Rubaga in Kampala. He was accused of spying and kept in the dungeons of CMI before being dumped at the border.

Jean Pierre Badahunga 42 years from Nyabihu District, Karagwe Sector, Gatagara Cell in Nyabihu Village travelled to Uganda in January 2019 and settled in Kiruhula District where he acquired land for farming activities. From no where, in April this year, he was picked from his farm and dumped at Kajyumiro Police station and transferred to Kinoni Police station and later ended up at CMI Mbuya HQs. All the he remembers is him entering a dark gate before loosing his conscious for days due to extreme torture.

Niyonteze Theogen is a 46 year resident of Kayonza District, Kabare Sector, Gitara Cell in Mubuga Village. In May 2014, he moved to Mutukura in Uganda as a causal laborer and later moved to Kiboga for farming activities and continued to Isingiro District to run a merchandise shop. On April 23, 2020, operatives picked him from his home in Mundinzi and detained for days before being transferred to Kabahinda isolation center then transferred to Gashojwa police station after his relatives knew about it and then to Makenke barracks before ending up in a the infamous torture chambers of Mbuya CMI HQ. He was being forced to confess that is a spy.

Jean de Dieu Nshimiyimana 29 years old son to Emmanuel Biziyaremye and Esperance Niyirera, residents of Kayonza District, Ndego Sector, Isangano Cell in Kabusunzu Village is married to Charlotte Uwayesu with three children. He has been living in Uganda since 2016 as a casual labourer. He was detained and charged with alleged illegal stay when he refused to confess being a spy.

The remaining nine also suffered the same treatment and all of them were illegally arrested and held incommunicado. The government of Rwanda is taking care of the deportees.

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Politics

Kenya’s Deputy President Ruto Leaves Ruling Party

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Kenya’s Deputy President William Ruto has dumped the ruling Jubillee Party and joined the United Democratic Alliance (UDA), a new political party.

Local media reports indicate that Ruto has publicly embraced the UDA party, calling it an ‘alternative national party’.

UDA Chairman, Johnson Muthama, said the party is a chosen bus to help drive Ruto to win the top seat in 2022.

Ruto has been at loggerheads with his boss, President Uhuru Kenyatta, after they differed on the Building Bridges Initiative project that aims to amend the constitution.

The former Senate majority leader, Senator Kipchumba Murkomen, and close ally to Ruto, says the new party provides enough room for anyone who is unhappy with the ruling Jubilee party.

Since September 2020, Kenya has 71 fully registered political parties, and these numbers are expected to increase as elections get closer.

The constitution of Kenya allows the formation of political parties, to promote democracy considering that the East African nation is a multiparty democracy, so long as the party does not promote tribal, regional and religious hate.

However, with the UDA in the political ring, many ordinary Kenyans feel that political parties across the country are becoming tribal, and are merely a vehicle to help politicians achieve their immediate interests during elections only to later move on to another party.

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Ivory Coast Election Violence Victims Demand For Bagbo’s Arrest

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Former President Laurent Gbagbo is expected to return to Ivory Coast on Friday but there is an atmosphere of confusion on ground.

Laurent Gbagbo is expected on June 17, 2021 in Abidjan. As his supporters prepare for his return, victims of the 2010-2011 post-election crisis are calling for his arrest when he gets off the plane.

“I was out to go to work, but in the face of escalating violence between law enforcement and young people, I decided to come home. It was on the way home that I was hit in the foot by gunfire from soldiers. Since then, I have been disabled and I can no longer practice my profession ”.

Former driver of tankers and trailers, Karim Coulibaly had to be amputated. He has no income since.

Like him, nearly a thousand people were injured during the post-election crisis of 2010-2011 and around 3,000 others were killed.

For these victims and their loved ones, the announced return of former President Laurent Gbagbo on June 17, 2021, revives old pains.

On 31 March, the ICC Appeal Chamber confirmed his acquittal and that of Charles Blé Goudé, earlier pronounced on 15 January 2019.

The two men were accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity during the 2010-2011 post-election crisis in Côte d’Ivoire, which had left more than 3,000 dead.

For Laurent Gbagbo, it was over. After a decade-long trial before the International Criminal Court (ICC), he is a free man.

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Politics

Burundi Debates Removing Ethnic Quotas From Constitution in 2025

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Burundi constitution provides for ethnic quotas (60% Hutu, 40% Tutsi) which authorities in the country argue is a measure against possibilities for discrimination.  Ethnic groups in Burundi include the three main indigenous groups of Hutu, Tutsi and Twa.

The quota system must be respected in certain government institutions, including the military. Three seats in each house of the Burundian government are allocated to the Twa.

Meanwhile, since January 2017, foreign non-governmental organisations (NGOs) active in Burundi are required to respect ethnic quotas when employing local staff.

However, there is no satisfactory proof worth considering that this quota system has created any form of social and ethnic cohesion. Therefore there is an ongoing debate on whether to scrap this quota arrangement. 

The ethnic quota requirement was adopted amidst fears of re-ethnicisation of politics and society, enhanced control on civil society and tense relations between the Burundi government and its aid partners. 

While authorities justify the measure as a remedy for decades of discrimination along ethnic lines, an analysis of the legal reform shows that a variety of other motivations and dominant party interests account for its adoption and enforcement. 

While the reform mirrors a wider international trend of shrinking civic space, the Burundi case study also shows how a clever discursive strategy may skillfuly divide NGOs and their funding agencies.

Furthermore, the case study reveals the instrumental use of obscurity and ambiguity in terms of the legal wording and enforcement of the ethnic quota requirement.

Emmanuel Sinzohagera, President of the Senate is currently presiding over a process of information gathering on the country’s past with the aim of helping make informed decisions on the future.

For example, controversy still clouds the events of 1972 with no clear or agreed or unanimous position on what to call or define them.

Within the framework of the conferences on the bloody events of 1972, organized by the Senate, its president maintains that the qualification of the large-scale killings perpetrated in the country is up to the Burundians themselves. According to him, this is not the responsibility of the United Nations.

Unlike some intellectuals and other personalities who proclaim that it is the United Nations that must qualify the large-scale killings that have plagued this country, Sinzohagera, President of the Senate believes that it is rather the responsibility of the Burundians themselves. – even to qualify these crimes.

According to him, it is not Germany, Belgium, as colonial powers or even less the international community that have this latitude. “This is primarily the responsibility of the Burundians. The fate of our motherland is ours. It is our duty to qualify what happened in 1972 “, insists Sinzohagera.

“The children and grandchildren of President Michel Micombero must not be victims of his actions or the bloody events of 1972. They are innocent just like the descendants of those who were victims of the killings of 1972 called ‘Abamenja’ ‘, the rebels. This ignominy must not stick to their skin like a curse when they have nothing to do with it “, He said.

“We need to know the truth in order to be reconciled and the objective is not to unearth the bloody past and sow discord, but the ultimate goal is to heal the wounded Burundians so that our children do not inherit these evils. that our dear homeland has known, ”he said.

“Any testimony on our dark past is welcome”

“That the skeptics are reassured, all the cyclical crises which mourned our country will be explored and conferences and debates will be organized so that the truth is known”, says the Senate President.

The basis of all reconciliation, he insists, is the truth, the whole truth. Sinzohagera, calls on all personalities, all witnesses of all ethnicities to give their versions of the facts, without passion.

“It is not the only ex-president Sylvestre Ntibantunganya, a Hutu, who has just given lectures on the events of 1972 under the aegis of the Senate who can shed all the light, that there are Tutsi also for presentations, they are welcome. Besides, former President Ntibantunganya does not tell us what he reads, “he called.

According to him, the Senate must not be misunderstood or misinterpreted on its objectives with these conferences. “The media must deliver the real message on the bloody events that have grieved this country.”

The Senate President Sinzohagera insists on clarifying the framework of his proceedings. It is under the terms of article 289 of the Constitution of the Republic of Burundi requiring the Senate to give its assessment of ethnic quotas and to see to what extent to remove them or not from 2025, that this institution intends to explore all the contours of the ethnic question and the inter-ethnic violence that has plagued this country.

“It is difficult, if not impossible, to forget, to put a cross on our ” so-called ethnic groups ” without knowing the truth about the cyclical violence that our country has known and which has brought mourning to our country on the basis of these same ethnicities. It would be difficult to move forward and walk towards reconciliation,” noted Sinzohagera.

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