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Ruto Wants To Reconcile With President Uhuru

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Kenya’s Deputy President William Ruto has said that he wants to mend fences with his boss as the rift deepens between the two former allies.

However, it should be noted that last year, the two leaders also tried to fix their political differences mediated by the clergy but failed to make any headway.

The union between these two former political allies collapsed on July 22, 2019 following the arrest of Cabinet Secretary to the National Treasury Henry Rotich, who was accused of corruption.

Rotich, who pleaded not guilty, was released on bail the following day. He had been appointed by Kenyatta in 2013 at Ruto’s request.

The Ruto camp has never hidden its distrust for the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI), an outcome of the March 2018 peace pact between President Uhuru and Raila Odinga – his long-time opposition foe.

The initiative was symbolised by the famous public handshake between the two men – a moment now simply referred to as “The Handshake”.

Ruto’s supporters fear that the rapprochement signals Kenyatta’s plan to renege on a power-sharing and succession pact, under which he would back Ruto for president at the 2022 elections after serving two terms.

The BBI aims to amend the 2010 constitution – which established a presidential system – to create, among other things, a post of prime minister, two deputy prime ministers and a leader of the opposition and increase the number of seats in parliament.

According to President Uhuru, the constitutional review (BBI) is meant to mitigate the current “winner take all” system that has caused post-election conflicts throughout the country’s history.

On May 11, 2021 Parliament approved the bill, which was then to be put to a referendum.

But two days later, a Nairobi court ruled that the process was illegal, stating that such a constitutional review could not be initiated by the president.

With the collapse of the BBI, Ruto seems to have won the fight and thus seems to be ready to reconcile with Uhuru.

However, it remains to be judged by the forthcoming days whether the two will really reconcile. President Uhuru had earlier challenged his deputy to resign if he didn’t approve of the government achievements yet he serves in the same.

Although both President Kenyatta and Ruto have never explained exactly why their relationship fell apart, it is understood they previously exchanged bitter text messages. Some have been read by their allies.

“From the messages that I was shown, the differences between the two are personal and very deep. It will take a miracle for them to be ironed out,” one source said. His opinion was echoed by others.

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What Does ‘Father of the Nation’ Mean Under Republican State?

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In simplified and user-friendly terms, the analogy father-of-the-nation is used to refer to a person considered the driving force behind the establishment of a country, state, or nation.

For other and most common situations, father-of-the-nation is the architect of independence – all these are the explanations one may quickly find through google.

In neighbouring Burundi which became a republic after claiming independence on 1 July 1962, there is a very tense debate on whether the President should be confered upon this honorific title of Father-of-the-nation.

In his perspective, Guibert Mbonimpa, the Editorial secretary and political analyst at Groupe de Presse Iwacu, argues that in his country Burundi, the title of Father-of-the-nation is only reserved for the King and not the President who presides over a Republic state.

Referring to his article titled; “Father of the Nation”, The Republican imposture”, Mbonimpa arguments trigger tense debate.

“The beginning of wisdom is to call things by their real names,” said Confucius-a Chinese philosopher and politician.

“Regarding the fight against the Covid-19, the novelty is that there are vaccines that will reach us soon. We are therefore telling the population that we are acting in accordance with the objective set by the Father of the Nation,” announced the Minister of Public Health and the Fight against AIDS, during a press conference he held on October 12.

Another occurrence of this word fraud. After the magistrates have received a volley of green wood, the title of “Father of the Nation” is summoned to dispel any doubt about the benevolent intentions of the tenant of Ntare House.

“As a true Father of the Nation and Supreme Magistrate, he never ceases to reiterate his desire to battle against any form of injustice so that each citizen can fully enjoy their rights,” we can read in the press release of September 15 signed by Evelyne Butoyi, spokesperson for the President of the Republic.

In the political system in force in Burundi, the President of the Republic is elected by direct universal suffrage.

A majority of citizens delegate to him the supreme task of coordinating the management of his country during a mandate of 7 years. A service for which the first of the citizens receives a comfortable salary, honours and privileges.

The designation of “Father of the Nation” (Sebarundi in the national language) assumes that the person of the head of state is not the subject of a choice.

Therefore, the “Father of the Nation” is none other than the Mwami (king of Burundi). He was born Mwami and was only designated as such by a small, authorized group, Abanyamabanga (special advisers).

The political storytelling of Reta Mvyeyi, Reta Nkozi (the responsible and laborious state) is an institutional transposition of this republican imposture which turns a blind eye to the eagle’s talons around power. By treating adults like children, they end up behaving like children.

These new concepts of governance Reta mvyeyi, Reta nkozi, are, moreover, a screen against any form of dissent. Apart from a renegade, a traitor, one does not oppose the father guided by the sole common interest of “his children”.

We are adding our stone to the edifice. As part of a workshop with several political parties, Friday August 20, the Minister of the Interior, Community Development and Public Security invited political parties, including opposition, to contribute in the implementation of a national development strategy PND 2018-2027.

This new step taken in paternalism, mother of infantilism, perpetuates this mentality of assisted people.

President Ndayishimiye comes to practice micro-management – relayed on social networks for an amplifying effect – inappropriate for the governance of a state: he punishes, he moralizes and he forgives… like a true father.

Will the Burundians be reduced to just saying “thank you father”?

Republic of Uganda

In 2017, President Yoweri Museveni the ninth and current President of Uganda since 1986 told a big gathering that nobody hired him to manage Uganda and therefore nobody should pressure him over anything.

“I’m not working for other people, I’m working for my grandchildren, for my children,” said President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni.

Museveni, one of Africa’s longest-serving leaders has been in power for over three decades. He was addressing party faithful on the occasion of the 31st anniversary of his coming to power.

‘‘I hear some people saying that I am their servant, I am not a servant of anybody. I am a freedom fighter, that is what I do. I don’t do it because I am your servant, I’m not your servant. I am just a freedom fighter, I am fighting for myself or my beliefs. That’s how I come in, I’m not an employee,” a seemingly stressed Museveni said then.

‘‘If anybody thinks he gave me a job, he is deceiving himself. I am just a freedom fighter whom you thought could help you also,” he stated.

Museveni indeed didn’t not joke about his words, he recently appointed his son Major-General Muhoozi Kainerugaba to commander of the UPDF land forces.

The son has also previously held bigger slots including the position of Senior Presidential Advisor for Special Operations.

His wife, The First Lady Janet Museveni also serves as Minister of Education since her husband started his fifth term in office in 2016. She has also held bigger portfolios in Museveni’s government.

Despite Museveni rejecting the servant of the people suit, Ugandans refer to him as father of the nation.

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Country’s May Go To War Over Dispute On Climate Change- Report

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Global political orientation after 2030 is expected to significantly be affected by debate over climate change and related disputes.

Findings contained in a new ‘Report on The Impact Of Climate Change’ by White House has indicated After 2030, key countries will face growing risks of instability and need for humanitarian assistance.

The document makes three key judgments. Global tensions will rise as countries argue about how to accelerate reductions in greenhouse gas emissions; climate change will exacerbate cross-border flash points and amplify strategic competition in the Arctic; and the effects of climate change will be felt most acutely in developing countries that are least equipped to adapt.

The report, the first such document to look exclusively at the issue of climate, said that risks to American national security will grow in the years to come.

Relationship between Climate Change, Migration, and Conflict 

Extreme weather events and conflict are the top two drivers of forced displacement globally, together responsible for the annual movement of nearly 30 million people from their homes.

There is a strong correlation between countries and regions most vulnerable to climate change and those that are fragile and/or experiencing conflict or violence.

Climate-related impacts may further stress vulnerable communities, increasing the risk of conflict and displacement in the absence of effective prevention efforts, and vice versa.

Climate-related impacts also pose an increased risk to marginalized communities displaced by conflict related to the impacts of climate change.

This risk is more acute in regions with weak governance and dispute resolution infrastructure, and in growing peri-urban areas where many migrants are heading.

Climate change can cause or exacerbate resource scarcity, which may drive conflict directly as well as induce migration of populations in vulnerable situations attempting to secure safety or livelihoods elsewhere.

Moreover, changes to biodiversity have strong intersections with climate change that also can affect migration, and threaten food and economic security.

The subsequent movement of large numbers of people, by force or by choice, brings new groups into contact with one another, potentially shifting power balances, causing further resource scarcity, or igniting tensions between previously separated groups.

Where climate-related migrations occur within or near population centers, or in locations important for political or economic stability, such as within many nations’ coastal zones, the destabilizing forces associated with climate change may result in outsized affects overall.

Climate-related migration may induce political instability in several ways. Large migration flows are frequently framed as a threat to both domestic and international stability and social cohesion.

Inadequate policy frameworks to manage large migration flows may exacerbate resource inequalities, stress public budgets, and contribute to xenophobia that increases political tensions.

Anti-immigration political actors may seize on both real and perceived challenges of uncontrolled or large migration flows to improve political standing, inflaming existing tensions and undermining efforts to appropriately respond to acute migration or refugee crises, such as those caused by the Syrian civil war.

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What Will National Transitional Council of Mamadi Doumbouya Look Like?

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A month and a half after taking power, the transitional president began to choose the members of his government. In contrast, the legislative body is far from being established.

The Guinean political class is at an impasse; “We are waiting for providence,” quips an executive from a major party.

In this case, it hopes above all for the clarification by the junta in power, led by Colonel Mamadi Doumbouya, of the criteria for choosing future members of the National Transitional Council (CNT).

According to the charter released at the end of September, the legislative body of the transition will have 81 seats, of which only 15 will be allocated to representatives of political parties.

While no one knows for the moment what will be the mode of designation of the members of the CNT, all are therefore uncertain about the criteria which should prevail.

The biggest political parties are pushing for quotas based on the political weight of each of them in the last polls, which would benefit them.

On the contrary, small parties, whose voters “don’t even fill a phone booth”, according to a Guinean joke, argue “that one party is equal to another”.

Role of Military

According to Kabinet Fofana, a political scientist, the junta leader Col. Mamady Doumbouya is developing a rupturous discourse that resonates with the public and at the same time evokes a certain inclusiveness.

“We can see that he wants to reassure everyone, but this transition government raises the question of what kind of role the army can play in public life,” says Kabinet.

“Can the army play the role of watchdog for democracy, orthodoxy and governance? Can it be this transition government’s compass and watchdog?”

Very quickly, after the 5 September coup, the army seemed to rally behind Doumbouya.

As early as 7 September, this support was made official at a meeting that was organised between the CNRD and the military at Camp Almamy Samory Touré, which is also the headquarters of the ministry of defence and the army staff.

“The military has mourned the president,” says a former member of the government team; and they have lined up behind Doumbouya, who is now preparing to appoint the prime minister and the government as well as the CNT’s 81 national councillors.

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